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用英语学《邓小平文选》(2) (1人在浏览)

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THE PARTY AND THE ANTI-JAPANESE
DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT
April 15, 1941



I. DEMOCRACY IS THE ESSENCE OF THE GOVERNMENT

ESTABLISHED ON THE BASIS OF THE

THREE-THIRDS SYSTEM


Setting up an anti-Japanese democratic government based on the three-thirds system is a genuine policy set forth by the Central Committee of the Party; it has won the support of the masses and should be pursued especially by all Party comrades. Being a dictatorship exercised jointly by several revolutionary classes over Chinese collaborators, pro-Japanese elements and reactionaries, such a government not only conforms to the principle of a united front in that it can unite the majority of people in their struggle against the Japanese aggressors, Chinese collaborators, pro-Japanese elements and reactionaries, but also ensures the leading role played by members of the Communist Party and progressives in the government. Therefore, it is not only the best form of government in areas behind enemy lines during the present anti-Japanese war, but also a form of government that should be adopted for the new democratic republic in the future.

Specifically, what does the three-thirds system mean?

First, organizationally, in both the administrative organs and the people's representative bodies, the allocation of places should be one-third or less for Party members, one-third for the progressives and one-third for the middle sections of society. A small number of right-wingers may be drawn into the people's representative bodies. At the same time, since the village is the basic unit of political power, the allocation of places in village organs of political power may be more than one-third for Party members, but we must therefore see to it that Party members are less than one-third in the village representative assembly and among the working personnel.

Second, when adopting policies, we should take the interests of each and every anti-Japanese class and stratum into consideration and apply the principle of winning over the majority and opposing the minority. We should also safeguard the freedoms, rights and legal status of all anti-Japanese political parties.

Third, since the political power we have established is a joint dictatorship of several revolutionary classes, with the participation of the representatives of all anti-Japanese classes and parties, the struggle for democracy is bound to manifest itself among the different parties and classes cherishing different interests and maintaining different political positions. Far from being afraid of this kind of struggle, we should promote it, for it is beneficial, not harmful, to us.

Fourth, since it is a joint dictatorship of several revolutionary classes, the question of who is to play the leading role in the organs of political power is bound to arise. Our Party must hold on to this position, that is, it should exercise the leadership role in the organs of political power. How are we to attain this role? It is guaranteed by the composition of personnel in the organs of political power, as is already embodied in the three-thirds system. However, we should do this mainly through the struggle for democracy. That is to say, we should chiefly rely on the political prestige our Party enjoys as a result of its correct views that are endorsed, supported and trusted by the masses. To be more specific, the Party's leading position stems from the appropriate number of its members in the government, and chiefly from the support of the masses. Through the struggle for democracy the masses will have a better understanding of our Party's views and will have greater faith in the Party through their own experience in the struggle. Therefore, only by waging a struggle for democracy can our Party truly play a leading role in the government.

From the above we can see that democracy constitutes the essence of the government established on the basis of the three-thirds system. Therefore, the Party should maintain a spirit of democracy in exercising leadership in the government. Otherwise, even if we have tried to make sure that Party members occupy no more than one-third of the places in the government, we shall not be regarded as having given wholehearted support to the three-thirds system.

II. OPPOSE THE CONCEPT OF ``RULING

THE COUNTRY BY THE PARTY''

If we say China is a semi-feudal country and a country that lacks democracy, it is reflected in our Party by the fact that, in general, Party members are not used to the practice of democracy and lack knowledge of and tempering in the struggle for democracy.

If we say that the Communist Parties in West European countries are tainted with some undesirable traditions of the social-democratic parties, the Chinese Communist Party is more or less tainted with the undesirable traditions of the Kuomintang. The concept of ``ruling the country by the party'', held by some comrades, is a manifestation in our Party of an abominable tradition of the Kuomintang.

When the Party proposed the three-thirds system, some Party members in the Shanxi-Hebei-Henan Area resisted it, showing their neglect of democracy and the bad effect of the idea of ``ruling the country by the party''. Although there has been considerable change in this regard, education and struggle are still needed to discard this erroneous idea entirely.

In the past few years the idea of ``ruling the country by the party'' has become prevalent in some areas, and some leading comrades have held to this mistaken idea for a long time, bringing about the following disastrous consequences:

First, these comrades misunderstand the leading role played by the Party, believing that to play such a role, Party members should monopolize everything; they fail to see that to truly play such a role, the Party must have the support of the masses. A leading role built on power is unreliable. During the December 9th Student Movement in Beiping, Song Zheyuan suppressed the revolutionary students with his power -- the army, prison, police, broadsword and water cannon. Can we say that superiority lay with Song Zheyuan? Of course not. In the past some comrades who often talked glibly about superiority believed that since Party members constituted the majority in the organs of political power and won the whole country, they could do whatever they liked. Consequently, they made so many ultra-Left mistakes that the middle sections of society became displeased with us, the progressives were worried about us, and the masses complained about the Party. Except for people like Ah Q, who would say that the Party has gained superiority?

Second, these comrades misunderstand Party leadership, believing that ``Party leadership is above everything else''. They interfere in government work, change at will decrees promulgated by the government at a higher level, and transfer cadres who work in organs of political power without going through administrative procedures. The authorities in some places have refused to carry out government decrees without Party notification, which led to confusion in the organs of political power. Some Party members have gone a step further, taking ``Party leadership is above everything else'' to mean ``Party members are above everything else'' and believing that Party members can do evil and that the ones who have violated the law can be forgiven. As a result, non-Party cadres regard the Party as ``the supreme authority''. (This is indeed a bitter irony. Yet, unfortunately, some of our Party members pride themselves on it.) Some of them have become passive and dare not speak out and others are breaking away from us and even rising in opposition to us, while the progressives are deeply worried about us. This has given the masses the impression that the government is incompetent and that it is the Communist Party that has the final say in everything, that the Party levies grain and other taxes, formulates all the decrees for the government and is responsible for all the mistakes made by the government. Hence, the government is not respected by the masses and the Party has alienated itself from them. What stupidity! Under such circumstances the Party's guidance organs at various levels have become increasingly insensitive, failing to study policies carefully, and busying themselves only with interfering in the day-to-day work of the government, thus relaxing political leadership. Party members become conceited simply because they are Party members. Those working in the government are arrogant and overbearing, always considering themselves to be in the right, looking down on non-Party people, and believing that they can break the law, violate government standards of discipline and undermine work order at will. A small number of Party members have even ganged up, becoming lax in their duties and degenerate and trying to protect each other. As a consequence, careerists have wormed their way into the Party in an attempt to destroy it in various fields of endeavour. Over the past few years we have suffered a great deal in this regard.

Third, these comrades always resort to simple methods to solve complicated problems. This is primarily because they lack faith in the correctness of their own positions and are afraid that people outside the Party would not agree with them. It seems to them that so long as Party members constitute the majority and agree with them by a show of hands, all problems can readily be solved. As a matter of fact, this is the easiest way to paralyse and corrupt the Party and alienate the masses. First of all, policies formulated on complicated problems behind closed doors will certainly lead to mistakes. Secondly, regarding non-Party cadres and the masses as puppets that can be manipulated by anybody will separate the Party from the masses and arouse their opposition. Thirdly, in this way the Party and its members will become unaware of new things and gradually become corrupt. The advantage of democracy lies in the following: It can help us promptly learn the opinions of people of various classes in every field of work, so that we can study them carefully and handle them correctly. It makes it possible for us to verify with the masses whether the Party's policies are correct and whether these policies have been understood and supported. It can sharpen our sensitivity so that we can always maintain a high degree of vigilance. It can keep the Party under the supervision of the masses, so that Party members can avoid the danger of becoming degenerate and so that careerists and saboteurs can be uncovered and expelled from the Party before it is too late. Finally, through the struggle for democracy, the Party members' fighting capacity can be increased, and the Party can draw closer to the masses and will become tempered as a Party of the masses.

In short, the concept of ``ruling the country by the party'', a result of the pernicious influence of the Kuomintang, could most effectively lull the Party into complacency, debase and destroy it, and separate it from the masses. We oppose the one-party dictatorship of the Kuomintang, which is characterized by one party running the country. We should especially prevent the pernicious influence of the Kuomintang from spreading to our Party.

III. THE PARTY EMPLOYS THE POLICY

OF GUIDANCE AND SUPERVISION TOWARDS THE

GOVERNMENT

What is the correct principle for the Party to adhere to in leading the anti-Japanese democratic government? It is the policy of giving guidance to and exercising supervision over the government. In other words, the Party should assume the responsibility of guiding the government so that the Party's views can be acted on through the government; the Party should take the responsibility of supervising the government in order to ensure that the government truly accords with the principles of the anti-Japanese democratic united front. The Party exercises leadership by providing political principles, not by monopolizing everything, interfering in everything or placing Party power above everything else. This is diametrically opposite to the policy of ``ruling the country by the party''.

Specifically, the Party should guide and supervise the government in the following ways:

First, it should carefully study policies, formulate correct ones and, through the leading Party members' groups in the administrative organs and people's representative bodies, turn its policies into the decrees and administrative policies of the government. The Party's guidance organs only have the right to issue orders to the leading Party members' groups and the Party members in the government and the right to offer suggestions to the government in the name of the Party when necessary; they have absolutely no right to give orders to the government.

Second, the Party's leadership and superiority in the anti-Japanese democratic government in north China is now basically guaranteed and the Party's policies can generally be embodied in government decrees. We should be aware of this. Therefore, Party headquarters at all levels should study the decrees and directives issued by higher-level government bodies, especially those in strategic areas (for example, the Joint Agency in our area), and in light of these decrees and directives, guide the work of the leading Party members' group in the government at that level. The responsibility of a Party organization is to work out specific measures and methods for enforcing the higher-level government decrees in its own district or county and constantly check on the execution of the decrees to ensure their actual enforcement. Therefore, every Party committee should make government work a regular subject for discussion. If it finds a higher-level government decree contains points which are inappropriate or inapplicable to its district or county, it should report the matter through the leading Party members' group to the government for discussion, after which the government should report it to the higher-level government for revision. For the same purpose, the Party committee should also report it promptly to Party headquarters at a higher level. However, it has no right whatsoever to instruct comrades working in government organs to refuse carrying out higher-level government decrees or to go their own way. In the past, some local government decrees were regarded as mere scraps of paper and couldn't be carried out unless the Party organization issued a relevant notification. Some leading Party comrades did not bother to study higher-level government decrees or directives and even ignored them entirely, guiding the work of the government at their level according to their own whim. This is irresponsible! They may as well be encouraging comrades working in organs of political power to break the law! They must stop doing this. Since higher-level government decrees embody Party policies, to study government decrees is to study specific Party policies; there is no need to wait for instructions from higher Party headquarters. Without studying the decrees and directives issued by the anti-Japanese democratic government at a given level, one has no right to give guidance to the government at that level.

Third, the Party should do everything possible to institute the three-thirds system. It should guide the election of assemblies of representatives and administrative committees at all levels and the selection of administrative staff of governments at all levels so as to ensure the application of the three-thirds system. No desired results can be achieved in election or selection without leadership and planning. We should pay special attention to this point in selecting village and district cadres and see to it that the heads of villages and districts are Party members or progressives (or middle-of-the-roaders who are upright and abide by higher-level government decrees).

Fourth, since democracy constitutes the essence of the three-thirds system, the Party should urge and instruct leading Party members' groups and Party members working in government to have a full democratic spirit, high revolutionary enthusiasm, a friendly attitude, a positive and dedicated work style, and statesmanship. In their work they should stick to the Party's political stand, join with non-Party cadres and play an exemplary role, so as to spur non-Party cadres to work hard; they should guard against becoming arrogant just because they are Party members. In its work of guiding and supervising the government, the Party organization should start with leading Party members' groups and Party members.

Fifth, since the political power based on the three-thirds system is a joint dictatorship of several revolutionary classes, comprising representatives from various anti-Japanese classes and parties, there are bound to be different political views and stands, evoking political debates. So long as we truly develop democracy, the struggle for democracy will certainly be conducted on a large scale. This is really a good thing, because during the struggle the opinions and demands of all classes will come out, and the true nature of some parties will be laid bare for the masses to see. We Communists do not fear the struggle for democracy, because our positions are correct. Only Right opportunists who do not believe in the correctness of the Party's positions, in addition to careerists, corrupt bureaucrats and embezzlers, fear this struggle and are afraid that the masses should know the Party's true features. Party organizations should, therefore, make a conscious effort to promote the struggle for democracy. First, they should help comrades abandon their arbitrary and undemocratic practices, so that non-Party cadres dare to speak out and do their work and entertain no misgivings about the Party. If they can achieve this, they will know how to undertake this struggle, and the prestige of the government and its work efficiency will be raised enormously.

Sixth, Party organizations should urge Party members and the masses to take a correct attitude towards the government, making it clear to them that the anti-Japanese democratic government of today is different from the government of the past under the dictatorship of the landlord class and the bourgeoisie, and that all the people should therefore support it heart and soul. The people should be persuaded to become accustomed to observing the decrees of the anti-Japanese democratic government. Comrades working in the government should observe discipline and the procedures of the government and combat confusion and oppose disrespect of authority at higher levels. Local Party organizations, mass organizations and army units have the responsibility to support and help raise the prestige of the government. They have absolutely no right to arrest or execute people or to interfere in the work of the government, and army units are not allowed to regard the government as an organ subordinate to them. It is true that some local governments do not accept Party leadership, enacting some erroneous decrees and doing things not in the people's interest and in violation of the principle of a united front. For instance, some district and village governments are like that. Such cases are likely to occur even after democratic election. However, we should support, not oppose, such anti-Japanese democratic governments, while opposing their erroneous decrees or bad administrative individuals. In handling such matters we should adopt proper methods. For instance, we can wage a struggle within the government or in the presence of the masses; we can partially reorganize the government in question or replace the bad individuals through election; we can also handle matters from above or from below -- our general goal is to educate the masses, correct mistakes and ensure Party leadership. No undemocratic, improper methods are allowed in handling such matters. Even if a counter-revolutionary is involved here, he shouldn't be arrested and dealt with before waging a democratic struggle against him or going through legal formalities. To do otherwise will only harm, not benefit, us.

Seventh, the Party's guidance organs should regularly discuss policies and decrees, and check on the work of leading Party members' groups. Some comrades should be designated to take care of the work of leading Party members' groups and of Party branches in government organs. In providing guidance to leading Party members' groups, the Party organs should stress political principles rather than minor points, so as to allow the groups a certain flexibility in their work and to nurture their capabilities. Party organizations should pay attention to theoretical studies and the development of moral integrity and Party spirit among comrades working in the government. Whenever they find the comrades have made mistakes, they should help them correct the mistakes without delay. However, on public occasions they should try to enhance the comrades' prestige.

IV. THE TASKS OF LEADING PARTY MEMBERS' GROUPS

To ensure Party leadership in the government and unify the actions of Party members working in the government, leading Party members' groups should be formed in the people's representative bodies and administrative organs at and above the county level. The group should be composed of no more than seven leading comrades, appointed by Party headquarters at the corresponding level. Guided and administered by the Party organization at the same level, the leading Party members' group (A group at the higher level has no connection with one at the lower level.) should carry out the following tasks:

First, to accept Party instructions, orders and directives, try to win approval for Party policies and decisions by administrative organs or people's representative bodies, turn Party positions into those of the government and then help the government carry them out.

Second, on political grounds, to unite with non-Party cadres who work with them, helping them fully understand Party policies so that they will willingly accept, support and implement them, giving full play to their enthusiasm for the work; through them to unite with every class, every anti-Japanese party and the majority of the people.

Third, to take every opportunity to expand the Party's influence and expound the Party's positions; to help the anti-Japanese democratic government give full scope to its role and enhance its prestige, so that the government and the people will be united and the struggle against the regime of the Japanese aggressors and their Chinese collaborators will be strengthened. At the same time, to seize every opportunity to combat all actions undermining the Communist Party and anti-Japanese democratic political power.

Fourth, to guide Party members working in the government, unifying their actions. To regularly report to Party headquarters at the same level on its work and inform the Party's guidance organs as quickly as possible about its experience and problems in work, as well as the reaction of the masses and various sections of society to Party policies, so as to enable the Party to provide better guidance to the government.

To accomplish the tasks mentioned above, comrades of leading Party members' groups should pay attention to the following in their work habits:

1. They should practise democracy. All important questions should be discussed at formal government meetings. Before solving general questions, they should seek the opinions of non-Party cadres to win their approval. For instance, county magistrates should not make decisions arbitrarily simply because they hold power in their hands. Instead, they should consult other people, let people of the various sections handle the things they should handle, and give a free hand to non-Party cadres to do various kinds of work, while providing them with the necessary guidance and checking on their work.

2. They should unite with people. All Party members should contact non-Party members, influence and help them politically, and work, study and discuss matters with them, overcoming the old tendency for Party members and non-Party people not to get along well. This is especially important where the middle sections of society, the gentry and social celebrities are concerned. In the past our comrades have failed to unite with progressives, let alone with these people. Our comrades should be modest, friendly and sincere, respecting them and listening attentively to their opinions. They should refrain from making a showy display of their abilities and considering themselves statesmen, but should learn to make political explanations appropriate to different people. Of course, friendly contacts are necessary, for this will make it easier for them to draw closer to others politically.

3. They should keep to the correct political stand. When faced with views and actions in violation of the principle of the united front or against the Party, they should not remain silent or agree with them. They should reason with the people concerned or even repudiate them, depending on the circumstances. Of course, in doing so, they should adopt the correct methods. In general, they should explain matters to people in a sincere manner, waging an effective struggle only against diehards and conspirators, and, moreover, this should be done along with non-Party cadres. If this is done only by Party members and non-Party people remain mere onlookers, it will show that they have done their job poorly. They should encourage non-Party people, including progressives and middle-of-the-roaders, to make proposals or motions along with them. In this way they can maintain close ties with non-Party people and bring their enthusiasm into full play. They should draw non-Party cadres into the study of policies and decrees. They may also ask them to help draft documents, but first it will be necessary to adequately discuss and determine the principles for drafting them. If they don't and their draft is totally rejected, it may chill the enthusiasm of non-Party cadres. By keeping to a political stand we don't mean that they should be opinionated. They must adhere to political principles, not technical details. If such details do not do too much harm to the general direction (even if there are some defects in them), concessions are permitted. Moreover, they should be aware that they are not always thoughtful enough and that non-Party cadres often have many correct ideas. Therefore, they should listen attentively and remain open-minded when non-Party cadres present their views.

4. They should refrain from offering opinions in the name of the Party. Not every Party member is in a position to represent the Party. Only views on major events and questions can be raised in the name of the Party. Only representatives appointed formally by the Party have the right to speak on behalf of the Party, raise motions or get in touch with other parties. Party representatives should be extremely prudent in word and action. Each and every article to be published, speech to be delivered and motion to be raised must be examined and approved by the Party committee beforehand. Even if there is no time to do so, it should be discussed formally by the leading Party members' group and afterwards reported to the Party committee for endorsement. As for an ordinary comrade, if he is openly a Party member, he can work in the capacity of a Party member; if he is an underground Party member, he can work as a progressive.

5. To ensure the Party's united action, there must be strict discipline within the leading Party members' group. First, it should hold itself totally responsible to the Party committee at the same level and place itself under the latter's strict supervision. Second, there should be democratic discussion within the group, but once a decision has been made, all the members should act in unison and no one shall be allowed to go his own way. The leading Party members' group bears the responsibility of giving guidance to other Party members in leading positions (for instance, the leading Party members' group in an assembly of representatives should give guidance to all the Party members in the assembly) and should inform them of any resolutions formulated, which the latter must obey. To unify will and action, the leading Party members' group can hold special meetings to communicate its decisions or those of the Party committee and organize discussions. It does not have to establish links with ordinary Party members. When problems emerge, it can ask the Party branches in government organs to solve them.

6. The leading Party members' group has no right to go beyond the government or to issue orders and give instructions. None of its resolutions can take effect until approved by the government. The erroneous tendency to turn the leading Party members' group into a second government must be combated.

7. All Party members working in the government, especially leading cadres, must set a good example in their work; this is one of the important prerequisites for ensuring Party leadership.

V. THE TASKS OF PARTY BRANCHES

IN GOVERNMENT ORGANS

The tasks of Party branches in government organs are basically the same as those of ordinary Party branches; they do not have the same powers and responsibilities as leading Party members' groups. In the past, some Party branches in government organs turned into second leading Party members' groups or even second governments; this is wrong and must be corrected.

Unlike those in rural areas, Party branches in the government have their own special tasks, which require sound leadership from the Party branch committee.

What, then, are their special tasks?

First, they should systematically carry out united front work within their own organs and constantly disseminate Marxism-Leninism and the Party's positions among non-Party people. To accomplish this, they should organize reading classes, study associations, national salvation associations (also called national revolution associations or save-the-nation associations), forums or academic lectures for the personnel of their organs.

Second, Party members should set a good example in uniting with non-Party people, so that the latter will be more active and responsible in their work. As for those Party members who avoid contact with the masses, try to seek the limelight and outshine others, or are arrogant because of being Party members, Party branches should constantly educate and criticize them.

Third, Party members working in the government should be law-abiding and observe discipline. If any of them should violate the law or commit irregularities, he should not only be punished in accordance with the law, but also be dealt with by disciplinary measures within the Party.

Fourth, the Party branch has no right to interfere in administrative work. However, it should go to the masses to find out their problems, ideas and opinions, determine how well both Party members and non-Party people are doing in their work, and then report to the leading Party members' group and the Party committee. The Party branch has the right to check on the work done by individual Party members of the branch, but it has no right to check on the work done by any department.

Fifth, the Party branch is placed under a department designated by the Party committee, not by a leading Party members' group. But when a leading Party members' group has made a decision to be executed by all Party members of the branch, it should inform the branch of the decision and the branch should execute it. Meanwhile, both the Party branch and the leading Party members' group have the right to offer suggestions to each other. In order to make things go smoothly, the leading Party members' group should designate a comrade to serve as a liaison with the Party branch.

Sixth, the Party branch is an absolutely secret organization and no one is allowed to conduct any activities in its name.

Seventh, the Party branch should report regularly to Party headquarters at a higher level and accept its instructions.

VI. STRENGTHEN EDUCATION IN DEMOCRACY

With the development of the democratic movement, education in democracy has become more urgent than ever before. This education has been far from adequate both inside and outside the Party.

Actual political struggle gives Party members and the masses the best opportunity to temper themselves. We should stress education in democracy in schools, national revolution associations and training classes. Moreover, we should make a careful and detailed plan for each democratic movement, seeing to it that the movement fully meets the requirements of democracy, and truly mobilize the masses to take part in it and the entire Party to lead it. Only in this way can the movement achieve the desired results and the Party membership and the masses be educated.

Recently the Northern Bureau of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party made a proposal to the Joint Agency to establish the Provisional Assembly of Representatives of the Shanxi-Hebei-Henan Border Area, which has been adopted. This represents a major democratic move. This year's village election and next year's county election and general election in the border areas are drawing near. Every aspect of our work involves democracy. In doing its work and launching movements, the Party should know how to mobilize the masses in a democratic manner and oppose all undemocratic practices. There can be no broad mass movement without a democratic work style, and there can be no genuine Bolshevik Party without a broad mass movement.

In the struggle for democracy we should ensure Party leadership in the government and, more important, we should make the Party a party of the masses!

(First published in Party Life, No. 35, April 15, 1941, by the Northern Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC).)
 
党与抗日民主政权

(一九四一年四月十五日)
   

三三制政权的实质是民主

  三三制的抗日民主政权原则,为我党中央所提出的真实政策,已取得广大群众的拥护,尤应为全党同志所奉行。因为这种政权表现为几个革命阶级对汉奸、亲日派、反动派的联合专政,既能合乎统一战线原则,团结大多数以与日寇、汉奸、亲日派、反动派进行斗争,又能保证由共产党员与进步势力结合起来的优势,所以这不仅是今天敌后抗战的最好政权形式,而且是将来新民主主义共和国所应采取的政权形式。
  三三制政权具体的内容是什么呢?
  第一,在组织形式上,无论行政机关或民意机关,共产党员只占三分之一或少于三分之一,进步势力占三分之一,中间势力占三分之一。在民意机关中,还可吸收少数右派分子参加。同时因为村是政权的基础,村长一级的共产党员,可以多于三分之一,但必须以村代表会、村工作人员中党员少于三分
  第四,既是几个革命阶级的联合专政,就必然产生政权中的优势问题。我党必须要掌握这种优势,所以产生了我党对政权的领导问题。优势从何而得?一方面从组织成分上去取得,这在三三制原则本身是包含着的;但更基本的是从民主政治斗争中去取得,即是说,主要从依靠于我党主张的正确,能为广大群众所接受、所拥护、所信赖的政治声望中去取得。确切地说,党的优势不仅在于政权中的适当数量,主要在于群众的拥护。民主政治斗争可以使党的主张更加接近群众,可以使群众从自己的政治经验中更加信仰我党。所以,只有民主政治斗争,才能使我党取得真正的优势。
  由此可见,三三制政权的实质是民主问题。党在领导政权工作时,必须贯彻民主的精神。否则,即使你努力保证了党员不超过三分之一,也还是表现着对三三制的怠工。
   


  反对“以党治国”的观念假如说中国是一个半封建的缺乏民主的国家,则反映到党内的是:共产党员一般缺乏民主的习惯,缺乏民主政治斗争的常识与锻炼。
  假如说西欧共产党带有若干社会民主党的不良传统,则中国党或多或少带有一些国民党的不良传统。某些同志的“以党治国”的观念,就是国民党恶劣传统反映到我们党内的具体表现。
  党提出三三制的政策之后,在我们晋冀豫区,曾遭受到党内一部分人的抵抗,这也是忽视民主和“以党治国”的观念在作怪。最近虽有不少转变,但彻底纠正这种错误观念,还需要一个教育与斗争的过程。
  几年来,“以党治国”的思想曾经统治了某些区域,甚至有些区域的领导同志还长期存在着这种顽固的思想。它所造成的恶果也不小,主要表现为:第一,这些同志误解了党的优势,以为党员包办就是绝对优势,不了解真正的优势要表现在群众拥护上。把优势建筑在权力上是靠不住的。“一二九”北平学生运动时,宋哲元用了自己的权力――军队、监狱、警察、大刀、水龙去对付革命的学生,试问我们能说当时的优势是在宋哲元手上吗?这当然是说不通的。过去我们有些高唱优势的同志,认为共产党员占多数了,天下是我们的了,因而可以为所欲为了,于是许多过左的错误由之而生,中间分子对我不满,进步分子非常不安。第二,这些同志误解了党的领导,把党的领导解释为“党权高于一切”,遇事干涉政府工作,随便改变上级政府法令;不经过行政手续,随便调动在政权中工作的干部;有些地方没有党的通知,政府法令行不通,形成政权系统中的混乱现象。甚有把“党权高于一切”发展成为“党员高于一切”者,党员可以为非作歹,党员犯法可以宽恕。其结果怎样呢?结果非党干部称党为“最高当局”(这是最严酷的讽刺,不幸竟有人闻之沾沾自喜!),有的消极不敢讲话,有的脱离我们以至反对我们,进步分子则反为我忧虑。结果群众认为政府是不中用的,一切要决定于共产党。于是要钱的是共产党,要粮的是共产党,政府一切法令都是共产党的法令,政府一切错误都是共产党的错误,政府没有威信,党也脱离了群众。这实在是最大的蠢笨!结果党的各级指导机关日趋麻木,不细心地去研究政策,忙于事务上的干涉政权,放松了政治领导。结果党员“因党而骄”,在政权中工作的党员自高自大,盛气凌人,自以为是,看不起非党员,自己可以不守法,不遵守政权的纪律和秩序。甚有少数党员自成一帮,消极怠工,贪污腐化,互相包庇。于是投机分子混入党内,从各方面来破坏党。几年来,我们在这方面是吃了不少亏的。
  第三,这些同志尚简单避复杂,主要是他们自己不相信自己的主张正确,怕见人,怕通不过,以为一切问题只要党员占多数,一举手万事皆迎刃而解。殊不知这是麻痹党腐化党的使党脱离群众的最好办法。首先是关起门来决定复杂的政策问题,必然发生错误;其次是把非党干部、把群众看成任人摆弄的傀儡,必然脱离群众,引起群众的反对;再次是党和党员都会因此麻痹,失掉对于新事物的知觉,而逐渐腐朽。民主政治的好处,正在于它能够及时反映各阶级各方面的意见,使我们能够正确地细心地去考虑问题决定问题;它能够使我们从群众的表现中去测验我党的政策是否正确,是否为群众所了解所拥护;它能够使我们对事物感觉灵敏,随时具有高度的警惕性;它能够使我们党得到群众的监督,克服党员堕落腐化的危险,及时发现投机分子以及破坏分子而清洗出党;它能在民主政治斗争中提高党员的斗争能力,使党更加接近群众,锻炼党使党成为群众的党。
  总之,“以党治国”的国民党遗毒,是麻痹党、腐化党、破坏党、使党脱离群众的最有效的办法。我们反对国民党以党治国的一党专政,我们尤要反对国民党的遗毒传播到我们党内来。
   


  党对政权是采取指导与监督政策
  然则党对抗日民主政权的正确领导原则是什么呢?是指导与监督政策。这就是说,党对政权要实现指导的责任,使党的主张能够经过政权去实行,党对政权要实现监督的责任,使政权真正合乎抗日的民主的统一战线的原则。党的领导责任是放在政治原则上,而不是包办,不是遇事干涉,不是党权高于一切。这是与“以党治国”完全相反的政策。
  指导与监督政策的具体运用是:
  第一,党要细心地研究政策,正确地决定政策,并经过行政机关或民意机关中的党团,使党决定的政策成为政府的法令和施政方针。党的指导机关只有命令政府中党团和党员的权力,只有于必要时用党的名义向政府提出建议的权力,绝对没有命令政府的权力。
  第二,今天在华北的抗日民主政权中,基本上保证了党的领导与优势,党的政策一般能够保证贯彻于政府的法令中,这个特点,必须认识。因此各级党部必须研究上级政府,特别是一个战略区的高级政府(如本区的联办)的法令指示,并根据这些法令指示去指导同级政府党团的工作。党的责任是研究上级政令运用于本区本县的具体步骤和方式方法,及时检查执行程度,以保证上级政令之实现。所以党的各级委员会应把政府的领导,放在自己经常的议事日程中。如果发现上级政令有不妥处,或有不适于本区本县之处,也只能经过党团提到政府讨论,由政府向上级呈报理由,党也应该把这些问题迅速反映到上级党部,设法改正。但党没有任何权力去命令政权工作同志不执行上级政令,或者自己来一套。过去某些地区,政府法令没有党的同等内容的通知,等于具文;某些党的领导同志根本不愿意研究上级政府的法令指示,甚至把上级政令故意置之高阁,单凭自己的聪明去指导同级政府工作,这等于胡行乱为!这等于叫政权工作同志犯法!必须切实纠正。上级政令中既然贯彻了党的政策,所以研究政府法令就是研究党的具体政策,不应该再等待上级党部的指示。不研究抗日民主政权的法令指示,就没有资格去指导同级政权。
  第三,党要切实保证三三制。在各级参议会、行政委员会的选举中,在各级政府行政人员的配备选拔中,必须切实经过党的指导作用,以保证三三制的比例。自流主义的选举,无计划的选拔,都不能得到应有的成果。在村选及区级干部配备中,尤须注意及此,且应切实保证村区长的人选,掌握在党员和进步分子(也可吸收一部分有正义感且能执行上级政府法令的中间分子)手中。
  第四,既然三三制的实质是民主问题,党要教育与责成政权中的党团和共产党员,首先自己具有充分的民主精神,高度的革命热情,和蔼的态度,积极的工作,刻苦的作风,和政治家的风度。他们在政权工作中,要能够坚持党的政治立场,要能够团结非党干部,要能够以自己的模范作用去影响非党干部积极负责地工作,反对“因党而骄”。党要实现对政权指导与监督的作用,首先就要从切实指导与监督自己的党团和党员做起。
  第五,既然三三制政权是几个革命阶级的专政,有各抗日阶级抗日党派的代表参加,就必然有各个不同的政见不同的立场,也就必然有政治上的争论。只要是真正地发展民主,民主政治斗争也必将大大地开展起来。民主政治斗争之开展,正是好现象,因为它可以真正表露各阶级的意见和要求,也可以暴露某些党派的实质,使群众认清其面貌。我们共产党是不怕民主政治斗争的,因为我党的主张是正确的,只有那种不相信党的主张正确的右倾机会主义者,只有那种投机分子、官僚腐化分子、贪污分子,才惧怕民主政治斗争,惧怕把党的面貌放在群众面前。所以,党要有意识地去发展民主政治的斗争,首先要纠正某些同志中的武断不民主的错误,要使非党干部敢于讲话,讲所欲讲,敢于工作,不对我疑惧。做到这一步,那不仅民主政治开展有了内容,而且政府威信和工作效率都会大大提高起来。
  第六,党要教育党员和群众,以正确的态度去对待政权,使大家懂得,今天的抗日民主政权不同于过去地主资产阶级专政的政权,全体人民对于抗日民主政权都应采取绝对拥护的态度。在人民中,要养成遵守抗日民主政权法令的习惯。在政权中工作的同志,要遵守政权的纪律和秩序,反对混乱现象,反对不尊重上级政权的行为。地方党、群众团体和军队的责任,是要扶植与帮助提高政权的威信,党和群众团体绝对没有捕人杀人等权力,不能对政府采取干涉的行为,军队不许把政府当作支差机关。也有这样的情形,个别地区的某些政府,不能保证接受党的领导,制定一些错误的法令,做一些违反人民利益违背统战原则的事情。现在有些区村政权就是这样。在实行民选之后,这种现象还有可能发生。在这样情形下,我们的态度应该是拥护而不是反对这个抗日民主政权,但是反对它的某一项错误的法令,反对某一个坏的行政人员。而且解决这样问题的办法也要适当。有的可采取政权内部斗争的方式,有的可采取在群众中作公开斗争的方式,有的可采取局部改组的方式,有的可采取公民罢免重新选举的方式,有的可采取自上而下的方式,有的可采取自下而上的方式,总以能教育群众、纠正错误、保证党的领导为原则。在解决这些问题时,绝不能采取非民主的不正当的方式,即使他是一个反革命,也必须经过民主斗争或合法手续,才能加以逮捕与处理,否则有害无益。
  第七,党的指导机关要定期讨论政策,讨论法令,检查党团工作,要有专门同志管理政府党团和政府机关支部的工作。党对党团的指导也应放在政治原则上,给党团以灵活运用的余地,不可涉及细微,这样才能培养党团的能力。党对政府工作同志的理论学习、个人操守和党性锻炼,必须注意,遇有错误,及时纠正。但在公开场合,必须注意培养这些同志的威信。
   


  党团的运用为了保证党对政权的领导,为了统一党员在政府中的步调,在县以上的民意机关或行政机关中均应组织党团,由同级党部指定几个负责干部组成,人数以不超过七人为好,在同级党的指导与管理下(上下级党团不发生关系),执行下列任务:第一,受领党给予的训令、命令和指示,把党的政策,党的决定,依靠自己的努力,取得行政机关或民意机关的同意,把党的主张变成政府的主张,并使之见诸实行。
  第二,善于在政治原则下,团结共事的非党干部,让他们充分理解、乐于接受、赞助和执行我们的政策主张,大大发挥自己的工作积极性,并经过他们去达到团结各阶级各抗日党派,团结大多数之目的。
  第三,利用一切机会扩大党的影响,解释与阐明党的主张;高度地发挥抗日民主政权的作用,提高其威信,真正做到政民一致,以加强反对日寇汉奸政权的斗争。同时,不放松一切机会反对一切破坏共产党和抗日民主政权的行为。
  第四,指导在政府中工作的党员,统一党的行动。定期向同级党部报告党团的工作,并将自己在政权工作中的经验,发生的问题,党的政策主张在群众中在社会各阶层中的反应等等,迅速反映到党的指导机关,帮助党加强对政权的指导。
  为着实现上述任务,党团同志的工作方式,必须注意下列问题:甲、要民主。各种重要问题都要经过政府正式会议讨论,一般问题也要尽量征求非党干部的意见,取得大家的同意。比如当县长的同志,切不可大权在握,一切武断独断,要多找一些人商量,各科的事要经过各科去办,大胆地信任非党干部去做各种工作,而加以必要的指导和检查。
  乙、要能团结人。每个党员都要接近非党员,在政治上去影响他们帮助他们,同他们一块工作,一块学习,一块讨论问题,避免过去党员与非党员格格不入的现象。特别对于中间分子士绅名流,尤为重要,过去我们同志对进步分子都团结不好,对他们更差了。我们同志的态度要谦和,要诚恳,要尊重其人格,尊重其意见;不要锋芒毕露,自以为是政治家,而要善于根据不同对象去进行政治解释工作。感情的联络也是必要的,因为这对政治上的接近是有帮助的。
  丙、要坚持政治立场。遇到违反统战原则的意见或反对我党的行为,我们绝不能随声附和,也不应取缄默态度,而应根据不同对象进行解释或者出而反对。这里在方式上要讲究,一般采取诚恳的解释方法,只有对方是顽固分子或另有阴谋的人,才应加以有力的反对,并且要吸收非党干部一齐去反对。如果只是党员说话,非党员旁观,那也无异于说明我们工作做得不好。在我们提出一个意见或者一个提案时,应征求一些非党员,不仅进步分子而且中间分子,同我们联名提出。这种方法不单可以密切与非党员的关系,而且可以发挥大家的积极性。要吸收非党干部参加政策法令研究,也可以请他们起草文件,但在起草前,一定要好好讨论,确定原则后再起草,否则起草后要不得,加以全部否决,也会影响到非党干部的情绪。再者所谓坚持政治立场,并非遇事固执己见。须知我们要坚持的是政治原则,不是一切细小的技术问题,细小的技术问题如与总的方向无大损害(即使有些毛病),都是允许让步的。而且还要了解,我们自己常有考虑不周之处,非党干部常有许多正确意见,所以我们应倾听和虚心地接受他们的意见。
  丁、不可经常地以党的名义提出意见,尤其不能够每个党员都代表党。只有大的事件大的问题,才用党的名义提出主张。只有党正式决定的代表才有权代表党说话,提提案,或与其他党派接头。党的代表的一切言论行动更要特别慎重,他所发表的文章、演说、提案等都必须经过党委员会的审查与批准,即使来不及也应经过党团的正式讨论,事后还要报告党委员会追认。一般同志,如果他是公开的共产党员,可以一个党员的面貌进行活动;如果他是一个秘密党员,可以进步分子的面貌进行活动。
  戊、为了保证党的行动一致,党团内部必须有严格的纪律。首先,对同级党委负完全责任,并接受党委的严格监督。其次,党团内部要有民主的讨论,但一经决定必须一致行动,不能有个人的自由。党团对其他负责党员(如参议会中党团对所有参议员中的党员)有指导之责,党团的决议应通知他们,他们亦必须服从党团的决议。为了求得意志统一起见,党团可召集专门会议传达党团决定(或党委决定),进行讨论,这样更能保证行动的一致。党团对于普通党员则不必发生关系,如有意见可经过政府机关支部去解决。
  己、党团没有超政权的权力,没有单独下命令下指示的权力,它的一切决议,只有经过政府通过才生效力。要反对把党团变成第二政权的错误。
  庚、一切政府中的共产党员,特别是负责干部,必须成为工作中的模范,这是保证党的领导的重要条件之一。
   


  政府机关支部的工作政府机关支部的任务,基本上与一般支部相同,它没有党团的权力和责任。过去有些机关支部变成了第二党团甚至变成第二政府,这是错误的,必须纠正。
  政府机关支部与一般农村支部的对象不同,它还有其特殊的任务,而且要有比较健全的支部委员会的领导,才能实现这些特殊的任务。
  政府机关支部的特殊任务是什么呢?第一,在本机关范围内,有系统地开展统一战线工作,不断地向非党员宣传马列主义和党的主张。要通过组织本机关工作人员的读书会、研究会、救亡室(民革室、救国堂)、座谈会、学术演讲会等方式,来实现这个任务。
  第二,党员以自己的模范作用,团结与推动非党员积极负责地工作。对于不接近群众,喜欢出风头,自逞英雄,“因党而骄”等现象,必须在支部中不断地进行教育,不断地进行批评斗争。
  第三,党员在政权中要奉公守法,遵守纪律。如果发生党员有犯法舞弊等行为,除了行政上应依法惩治外,党内还应给以处分。
  第四,支部无权干预各种行政工作,但支部要在群众中了解群众的问题、群众的意见和舆论,以及党员非党员的表现,及时通知党团和报告党委注意。支部有权检查所属党员个人的工作,但不是检查哪一部门的工作。
  第五,支部直属于由党委指定的部门管理,不属于党团指挥。但党团的决议凡涉及应动员全支部党员执行时,应通知支部,支部亦必须执行。同时支部对党团、党团对支部均有互相建议之权。为工作上的便利,党团应有一同志与支部发生经常关系,以求密切地配合一致。
  第六,支部的组织是绝对秘密的,不得以支部名义进行活动。
  第七,支部定期向上级党部做报告,并接受其指示。
   


  加强民主教育随着民主政治的开展,民主教育比任何时候还要迫切,无论在党内或在群众中,过去这点都是极其不够的。
  实际的政治斗争,是党员和群众的最好锻炼。我们除在学校中、民革室中、训练班中,应注意民主政治的教育外,对每一个民主运动都要精细地布置,不可丝毫草率,要使之完全符合民主政治的要求,真正动员起广大民众来参加,动员起全党来领导。如此,才会使运动本身收到效果,也才能教育党教育群众。
  最近北方局向联办提议成立晋冀豫边区临时参议会,已经联办通过。这是一个重大的民主运动。今年的村选,明年的县选,全边区大选,都一步步地临到我们面前。而在我们各种工作中,哪一件事里面都有民主问题。我党要善于在一切工作中,一切运动中,大大发扬大众的民主主义作风,与一切不民主的现象作斗争。有了民主主义作风,才有广大的群众运动;有了广大的群众运动,才有真正的布尔什维克的党。我们要在民主政治斗争中,保证党对政权的领导,我们更要在民主政治斗争中,使党成为群众的党!
 
i faint again
 

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